Teacher strikes – why we’ve been here before, and will be here again.

This is a post originally published in 2011 that still has relevance in terms of the outcomes of this week’s teaching union conferences, so I thought I would repost.

Primarily, Thursday’s teacher strike is supposed to be over issues surrounding pensions. However if we look at current Conservative education policy, we get the sense that this run-in between teachers and the Conservative Government is in some ways just the latest manifestation of a much older, more entrenched battle. Indeed, one particularly contradictory aspect of Conservative education policy over the past thirty years seems to be its ongoing ambivalence towards the teaching profession in general.

On one level, this is probably not surprising, and represents a certain degree of continuity with the past. The relationship between teachers and previous Conservative Governments was generally fraught, with criticism over teaching standards, and the introduction of increasing degrees of Governmental control over teachers’ activities. In response, teachers frequently resorted to industrial action. The nadir in the relationship between Government and the teaching profession was arguably when Chris Woodhead, Chief Inspector of Schools, declared that 15,000 teachers were incompetent. Since then there have been attempts to rehabilitate the profession’s image, not least as a reaction to periodic recruitment problems. Examples of measures taken include the introduction of the Teaching Awards (popularly known as the Education Oscars), which were established in 1999, and the foundation of the General Teaching Council, a self-regulatory body which accepted its first members in 2000, but which was to last just over a decade before being forced to close as an economy measure. Bearing this in mind, it seems timely to establish what the current position of the Conservative party actually is towards teachers.

Early in the manifesto document the Tories brought out before the 2010 election, there was a clear statement of intent to do with allowing teachers more autonomy in terms of discipline, exclusions and so on (p. 20). At first glance, therefore, this seems to be a step change away from earlier attempts to control minutely all aspects of teachers’ activities. However this impression is undermined by references to other aspects of teacher professionalism in a less positive light, which give us the first clue as to how teachers may really be perceived. One example of this is that the education establishment is accused of stigmatising synthetic phonics for the teaching of reading (p.15). Similarly the idea of unannounced inspections (p. 34) seems very heavy handed and rooted in a suspicion that professional practice is not always going to be satisfactory unless it is scrutinised and audited in a particular way. This can be problematic in a school situation. Clearly an infinite number of human variables exist in any learning environment. Pupils can vary greatly from day to day in terms of behaviour, attendance and on, and this can be related to matters outside a school’s control, for example classrooms can appear unsettled as a consequence of something as prosaic as poor weather. Teachers as professionals learn to accommodate such comparatively transient issues within the larger scheme of things, based on their experiential knowledge of individuals, local conditions and circumstances. However this degree of adaptation is not always easily understood by the outsider on a fleeting visit. Therefore the idea of spot-checking schools in this way sits uncomfortably with any notion of teachers being autonomous professionals. This might seem like a relatively minor issue, but is highly indicative of a particular position being taken by the Conservatives in relation to the distribution and flow of power within education.

So where does that leave us in terms on Thursday’s strike? As Schattschneider said in relation to democracy in America, “Organization is the mobilization of bias. Some issues are organized into politics while others are organized out”. In current Conservative education policy, this “organising out” currently seems to apply to the democratic concerns of many of the people engaged in education on a day-to-day basis, while they themselves are presented repeatedly as social problems. They therefore become subordinate to an insidious system in which their best interests are not always realised, along with many of their pupils. So we had better get used to strikes, as very many more are likely to be on the horizon, as people try to find some sort of democratic voice in a time of great change.

Image: jscreationzs / FreeDigitalPhotos.net

Vote for the Enemy of Promise you think applies most today

In this fun poll, you will find six quotations from Cyril Connolly’s 1938 book, Enemies of Promise, in which he seeks to address the genesis and extent of his own perceived underachievement in life, amongst other things. Some of the writing in his book stands the test of time, other quotations read oddly today. Bearing this in mind, please vote for the Enemy of Promise quotation that you think applies most to education policy today.

Let’s replace our Fortnum’s v Walmart system with a John Lewis model of schooling

I’m on the IOE Blog today arguing that it’s time we worked towards a more equitable model of schooling in London, rather than the fragmented, class driven system in place at the moment. Click on the link below for more.

http://ioelondonblog.wordpress.com

Response to the DfE’s consultation on whether pupil data should be shared

privateThe Department for Education recently carried out a consultation to find out views in relation to sharing data stored on the National Pupil Database. Here is a copy of the submission made by me, Andy Phippen and Terri Dowty. It includes some examples that people might find useful in bringing this problem to life.

Do you agree with the proposal to widen the purposes for which data from the National Pupil Database can be shared? Please explain the reasons for your answer.

Response

We do not agree with this proposal. We understand that one of the motives behind this question is that there is a proposal to sell or give away children’s data, acquired in the process of their compulsory attendance at school, to the private sector. There are a number of intrinsic dangers in requiring citizens to give personal data to the state, and then allowing it to be used commercially. We list them below.

1.    Selling data acquired by compulsion encourages a national position, encouraged by Government, that children are little more than a potential resource to be used by others, rather than citizens in their own right, with rights to privacy. 

Example: A drug company pays to access the School Census data, and finds that are greater number of children than average are diagnosed with ADHD-type conditions in one particular region. The drug company then contacts local schools and clinics to invite pupils to become involved with drug testing initiatives, targets local GPs to encourage drug take up, and carries out a PR initiative citing successful case studies in this region of drug based interventions using their products

2.    The security of this data cannot be assured once it is out of the UK public sector, and there is likely to be little recourse for children if their data is used inappropriately, or stored inaccurately overseas.

Example: A US educational outsourcing company holds some the data it has purchased about UK school pupils on a US computer system. It is legally required to inform the authorities about potential visitors to the US who might pose immigration problems. Consequently it is forced to hand over some of the data, but the UK families who originally gave their data to their children’s schools are completely unaware of this, and unable to correct any errors occurring during the data exchange. This is not spotted until a family is stopped at a US airport, as a result of an error in the authorities confusing two identities. The family has no recourse.

3.    In terms of using the data, it is unlikely that the same ethical controls will exist for commercial companies as for public sector researchers, which represents a further risk to the personal data of children.

Example: A data processing company decide to buy some of the data with the aim of creating a visually attractive alternative database for parents, to allow them to choose schools for their children. It interprets the data poorly, failing to take into account the school’s local conditions, which results in some schools and groups of pupils being unfairly classified as failing by this database. The resultant fall in admissions affects funding in some schools working with vulnerable children, which in turn affects children’s access to some aspects of education. 

4.    Mosaic identification (identification of individuals by piecing together information from different databases or other courses) is entirely possible using this sort of information, given uncommon cases. This presents ethical issues for the distribution of such data.

As the Office of National Statistics makes clear:

“Generally, rare combinations of attributes lead to the identification of individuals, for example, a sixteen-year-old widow, a female miner or a single manufacturer in an area. Disclosure control methods are usually applied if ethical, practical or legal considerations require the data to be protected, and the possibility of identification exists.

Statistical disclosure control techniques are currently being used in a wide number of areas of National Statistics, for example the Census, the Neighbourhood Statistics Service and for several social surveys. Different types of data pose different types of problems and inevitably require different solutions”. [1]

In 2010 the Information Commissioner held that the Youth Justice Board was in breach of the Data Protection Act in collecting purportedly anonymised data that included sector postcode, ethnicity, date of birth and gender (similar to some of the data held in the National Pupil Database). He concluded that this data was sufficient to identify individuals in areas where there were few residents from minority ethnic groups. As a consequence, the Youth Justice board had to remove this data from their Management Information System.[2]

Therefore while data of this type might, of itself, not contain directly identifiable data (for example, names), this does not, in any way, guarantee anonymity for the individuals within the dataset.

Example 1: A high achieving pupil achieving level 5s for Mathematics and English in year 4 is identifiable within a small rural sample in a comparatively low achieving area. This leads to targeted marketing from commercial companies for paid-for enrichment activities, putting pressure on the parents to provide additional resources.

Example 2: A job applicant confirms to an employer that he has 4 GCSEs and the grades awarded. One of the GCSEs is in an unusual modern foreign language. The certificate date identifies the year of exam, the subjects, and the school. By using data derived from the National Pupil Database and School Census, it is discovered that a pupil from the same school with a GCSE qualification in this language had a certificate of Special Educational Needs for Oppositional Conduct Disorder (OCD). Fearing health and safety issues, the company decides not to employ the applicant on this basis.  

databasesConclusions

National Pupil Database information is taken without the consent or knowledge of parents and children. It is derived straight from the school’s Management Information System. It is questionable that parents and children have no control over its supply to the Department for Education in the first place. We consider that this situation would be compounded, were the proposal to share the data implemented. This would represent a significant breach of trust, if the data were subsequently handed out to other organisations.

This is also part of a much wider debate. Such moves in data bank research are likely further to erode privacy rights, and records about children may be seen as an easier way in to this general undermining, bypassing discussion and consent that might be required for adults’ data. Fortunately in this instance the Department for Education is consulting widely, and we are anxious that this continues to be the case.

We are also concerned that commercial pressures on all kinds of researchers and practitioners are eroding privacy with almost no public debate. Policies seem to be driven by technology, in the sense that if it is technologically possible, then we must do it.  Given the above largely negative implications of sharing data in the manner proposed, we the undersigned wish to register an objection to any changes.

Dr Sandra Leaton Gray, Institute of Education, University of London

Terri Dowty, Truth2Power

Professor Andy Phippen, University of Plymouth


[2] Source:

http://www.theregister.co.uk/2010/09/06/arch_ico_yjb/

[Accessed 17th December 2012]

Image courtesy of Stuart Miles at FreeDigitalPhotos.net

How much? The cost of converting schools to academies.

Here are some sums in response to the Department for Education’s announcement today that it has overspent by £1 billion on the academies programme, with a total cost of £8.35 billion being spent over the last two years.

Number of school aged children in the UK – 9,500,000

Amount spent in total since election on academies programme – £8,350,000,000

Amount spent per school aged child on academies programme – £840

With that in mind, let me suggest some alternatives to spending this money on academy conversions, that would have a immediate and quantifiable impact on children’s learning. How about:

1. Top quality free school meals for all children for a year

2. Double nursery hours for pre schoolers

3. Halve primary school class sizes

4. Give every secondary school 10 extra teachers

If a child’s done nothing wrong, he or she has nothing to hide …?

This picture went viral on the internet a while back, but it makes my point very clearly, that proportionality is always preferable to moral panic.

Want to make a fast buck? UK children’s personal data up for sale, everywhere

The campaign group Big Brother Watch discovered that over 200 UK schools have CCTV cameras in toilets and changing rooms.

Did you know that people regularly spy on our children, for profit? This blog post discusses the role of children’s data in UK society, and the dangers that excessive processing of this data presents to society as a whole. Using children’s personal data goes back a long way, particularly when it comes to the idea of recording aspects of children’s physical form, their birth dates, who their parents are and their addresses. The first recorded use of children’s biometric data being collected was in the 14th century, when the explorer and historian Joao de Barros reported that Chinese merchants were stamping children’s palm prints and footprints on paper with ink in order to distinguish amongst individuals, a technique still used today in some UK maternity units. The phenomenon is not new.

What is worrying is that it has rapidly increased in intensity over the last 15-20 years, particularly in the UK. Since the introduction of the UK’s Pupil Level Annual School Census (PLASC) in 1998[i], increasing amounts of personal data have been collected by schools and local authorities in relation to pupils and schooling processes. Fine, you might think. Tracking children through their school careers has a certain logic to it. But thanks to pressures from the growing child protection industry and IT industry, who have a lot to gain by invoking a mood of national panic, the pace of collection and processing has increased substantially in recent years. This has happened particularly since the introduction of the Every Child Matters initiative in 2003, and culminated in the (now abandoned) development of ContactPoint, a Big Brother-ish  large-scale population surveillance database for children created under the UK Children’s Act 2004. It brought together a significant amount of data on individually identifiable children, including health, education and social welfare information.  This is the database that MPs, VIPs and celebrities were refusing to have their children included in, if you remember. As if this wasn’t enough, there was also a drive to develop a similarly large-scale database of adults who come into contact with children via the Independent Safeguarding Authority, a recently established quasi-Governmental organisation (also abandoned immediately after the 2010 election, much to my relief).

In addition to these statutory database-led forms of surveillance, many schools that want to appear modern and funky also use a range of additional optional technologies, usually biometric, to track the physical location of school pupils and their teachers, as well as their interactions with school systems, such as attendance registers, libraries and dining halls. If you are interested in how this works in practice, this link will take you to Martha Payne’s ‘ Never Seconds’ school dinner blog, where the process is described in context by one child attending a small secondary school. http://neverseconds.blogspot.co.uk/2012/09/fingerprinted-for-lunch.html

These systems are easily sold to schools, offering benefits ranging from reduced administration costs, to sci-fi attractiveness to pupils, although the accuracy of such systems has been contested, suggesting it is not quite as effective as a dinner lady ticking a child she knows by sight off a list. In any school of 1000 children, there will be something like 6-12 whose fingerprints are sufficiently similar to cause them regular and perpetual problems with the technology. So we still need dinner ladies to sort out the resultant chaos, if children are to get their lunch.

For the record, neither I not the Department for Education know exactly how widespread adoption of biometric technologies in schools is, but I think it might approach a figure of 2000 secondary schools in the UK, representing 40% of the total, as well as 2000 primary schools, representing 10% of the total, based on manufacturers’ figures. Yes, that’s 2000 primary schools fingerprinting children from the age of 4.

Bentham’s Panopticon – prisoners can be observed from the watch tower at any time of the day or night, thanks to permanent illumination.

There is more. Just as footprints were being used to identify children in China more than five hundred years ago, the use of slightly unnerving surveillance technologies in schools should not be seen as a recent development in the UK either, as this has been present at least since the 19th century, with the aim being to ensure pupils’ self-regulation, via what sociologists call the ‘panoptic gaze’ (the Panopticon being a particularly chilling method of housing and controlling prisoners developed in the 19th century, in which they were potentially on view all the time). In terms of schooling, this is a social situation in which pupils can never be quite sure when and how they might be the subjects of surveillance, and therefore are more likely to adopt compliant behaviour patterns. In the Victorian classroom, this might have been achieved through seating children in rows, with a teacher on a raised platform at the front, for example, and there may have been a large window opening onto a corridor to allow headmasters to patrol their schools, keeping a watchful eye on both pupils and teachers as they did so. Anyone who didn’t comply, or look like they were complying, rapidly faced a caning. However these days we use extensive CCTV of pupils as well as biometric registration, and we are seeing the beginning of what some have termed a ‘post-panoptic era’, in which pupils bodies – fingerprints and faces – act as a substitute for this form of internal regulation, with the body and its genetic characteristics representing an individual’s identity within a society that seeks to control it. Big Brother indeed.

Possibly as a consequence of this, there has been significant concern about the possibility of misuse of this data, particularly when linked with data from existing databases, as well as what has been termed ‘function creep’ whereby data collected for one purpose are used for another. Increasingly technologies are being developed to be able to match fragments of biometric data identify an individual across systems (using techniques such as “fingerprint mosaicing”, which makes the potential for data sharing of biometric data even more concerning. It’s not something you really want in the public domain, believe me, as once it is out there, you can’t reset it or get it back. Yet even though this is an illogical technological medium for children, as their bodies change so rapidly such systems are at their most unreliable, children are subjected to them more frequently than adults might be. This is because they are seen as being vulnerable, needing more supervision than adults, and their rights to privacy are seen as less significant – an example of the ‘otherness’ of children. They are a social group that we do what we like to, because they have little if any voice.

Todholm Primary School in Scotland have gone beyond fingerprinting of pupils in the school dining room, and installed palm vein readers instead for added security.

Taking an overview, it is clear that a great deal of monitoring of individuals is taking place in the UK in an educational context, of both adults and children, with many individuals also being subject to biometric surveillance. The use of different forms of surveillance in this way has become a key element of day to day life for many who work in schools, as well as those who attend them. Yet despite the extent of surveillance taking place in UK schools, research into the effect that this type of monitoring might have on pupils and teachers is in its infancy, even though this is a known problem for the field of surveillance studies. Consequently we are now in a position in the UK where schoolchildren are routinely habituated to excessive data capture and low level use of biometrics. This is carried out without reflection upon the potential long term harm to the individual of surrendering his or her physical characteristics, or the potential harm to a society as a whole that accepts excessive data capture in exchange for little more than convenience. Earlier research carried out by Andy Phippen at the University of Plymouth shows that from both technical and policy perspectives, schools are ill prepared to have the necessary infrastructure and countermeasures in place to ensure they can manage biometric data effectively. In addition to this, the population is developing subsequent generations of teachers who have a very relaxed attitude toward the sharing of their own information and, in some cases, flagrant disregard for the privacy of others. Just think of all the Facebook scandals that have taken place involving teachers, and you have an idea of quite how reckless teachers can be when dealing with personal data.

At the time of writing there is increasing Government involvement related to biometrics in schools. The UK Department for Education has released a consultation on guidelines for schools on their use of biometric data (for example adherence to the Data Protection Act[ii]). In addition, the Protection of Freedoms Act[iii]states that the collection of biometrics in schools requires explicit parental consent, and has just reached the statute books. However, our data from earlier studies would suggest that the public at large are not aware of the potential social risks in the use of such data, as existing legal frameworks for their protection are not being used, and therefore additional regulatory structures for consent do not necessarily mean safer (and necessary?) use of biometric data. We have shown that schools do not have the necessary policy and practice in place to be able to effectively manage such sensitive data and ensure effective protection. There is a need to better understand the motivations for and impact of using biometrics in such ways, combined with greater awareness and education among the public at large so children, parents, staff and governors can all make informed decisions on the necessity to use biometrics in their schools and ensure the social risks in their use can be minimised.

There is a broader question about the UK’s position in relation to high levels of surveillance and monitoring of children in school. We are badly out of step with the wider European picture, being more in line with contemporary trends in the United States. This disconnect with the rest of Europe does not seem to be of particular concern to the British Government, surprisingly enough. As a consequence of this, an EU Working Party has addressed the issue of such monitoring on several occasions, particularly with reference to the use of biometric data in the context of children attending school. The Working Party has (rightly, in my view) asked repeatedly for stringent adherence to the data protection principles set out in the relevant EU Directive. Yet the UK appears to be doing little of substance to address the issue.

With this in mind, we are planning new research that explores the social, economic and political impacts of new administrative technologies on contemporary schools and their pupils, comparing and contrasting the UK situation to that of a range of other representative countries. We want to provide a baseline of existing practice, by drawing on current studies such as the 360 Degree Safe schools self-review data and the Foundation for Information Policy Research work on safety and privacy in children’s databases across Europe. We will also be carrying out surveys, interviews and focus groups on contemporary attitudes towards school based population surveillance. If we manage to win funding, this data, along with the various international comparisons, will be used to develop best practice guidelines suitable for wider EU application.


[i] Since 2007 known as the School Census, with data now collected three times a year. These data form the National Pupil Database and are used as the basis of the Pupils and their Characteristics annual reports published by the Department for Education.

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